Between ideals and compromises – KD's aid policy in practice

For almost 50 years, Sweden has had the goal of allocating one percent of the country's income (GNI, gross national income) to global aid. The Christian Democrats have long supported this goal and do so in their party program, but their actions in the government show a different line.  

Since 2023, Sweden has had a spending target for development aid. Expenditure volumes are determined for three years at a time. This year, the development aid budget corresponds to 74 percent of GNI. By 2028, the proportion is expected to drop to 86 percent. I SVT's interview program “30 minutes” party leader Ebba Busch explains the change as a result of compromises in the Tidö partnership:  

– Our basic position is a one percent target, but there was no support for that in the Tidö negotiations, she explains.   

At the same time, Ebba Busch emphasizes that this budget change shifts the focus from the size of the aid budget to how the money is actually used. Busch also emphasizes that more aid should go through civil society rather than to large international organizations. The change is justified as a shift in priorities, from level to content.  

Figures from Sida's accounting website Open Aid show that since the government took office in the fall of 2022, Sida's payments where non-governmental organizations or civil society are contractual partners have remained relatively stable. However, within that category, the proportion going to international organizations has increased.  

Ukraine in the center 

Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine has changed Swedish aid policyThe Christian Democrats' aid policy is characterized by a clear adaptation to the security policy situation, where support for Ukraine is highlighted as one of the government's most important tasks.  

The party emphasizes that aid to the surrounding area should not normally be a priority. But that the war has made such a re-prioritization necessary. This is described as a temporary adjustment rather than a permanent change.  

In practice, the mandate period has been characterized by a growing share of aid being  directed to Ukraine and other countries in the surrounding area, such as Moldova and Georgia. At the same time, this is happening without any new funding being added. Resources have therefore been reallocated from other parts of the world. In total, cooperation with 13 countries has been terminated. Most of these are low-income countries.  

The aid platform CONCORD Sweden interprets that support for Ukraine will continue to increase as more downgrading is to be expected:  “Support for Ukraine will increase by another billion to 10 billion in 2026 and 2027, and 10,6 billion in 2028. No new funds are being allocated, which means that cooperation with other vulnerable countries risks being deprioritized,” they write in in analysis of the government's autumn budget for 2026. 

Aid as a migration tool 

In line with the government's reform agenda for aid, the Christian Democrats see aid as a tool in migration policy. The aid should be used to reduce asylum immigration and counter irregular migration.  

At the same time, the party emphasizes the importance of clear frameworks for how aid funds are used. When it comes to using aid for refugee reception in Sweden, the Christian Democrats take a fundamentally critical attitude explains their development aid policy spokesperson Gudrun Brunegård in an episode of the IM podcast.  

So-called deductions from the aid budget during a refugee's first year in the recipient country. In a basis analysis from 2022, the Expert Group for Aid Analysis has has reported on the settlements from the 1990s onwards. SAt its lowest in 2021, it was 1,8 percent of the aid budget and at its highest in 2015, when it reached 22 percent. At the same time, the aid budget increased in the same year to the equivalent of 1,4 percent of GNI.  

In 2022, when Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the settlements amounted to 10,5 percent. In 2025, it was estimated that around three billion kronor from the development aid budget was used to cover this type of domestic costs. 

The Tidö government has agreed that a maximum of eight percent of the development aid budget may be spent on settlements. In The IM podcast Gudrun Brunegård highlights this as an important reform. The aim, she says, is to create predictability and avoid sudden cuts that could hit aid organizations hard. Brunegård refers to experiences from previous years, when large sums were redistributed during the current budget year. Something that is said to have made the conditions for long-term projects and collaborations more difficult. 

Gender equality as a basis for development

In its principle program it writes The Christian Democrats that gender equality is a fundamental issue about the equal and inviolable value of all people. The goal is that women and men should have the same opportunities to shape their lives: in the family, working life and society at large. The party emphasizes that gender equality is not only about laws, but also about norms, responsibilities in the home and changing attitudes. 

KD also highlights gender equality as a clear priority in aid. Brunegård emphasizes that when the aid budget is reduced, it is important that investments in women and girls are not seen as a zero-sum game.. 

“Girls and women are the ones who, in almost all situations, take the brunt of the blow when it comes to poverty, education and opportunities for development,” she explains.

During the conversation, Brunegård raises also education as a central measure that gives women the opportunity to earn their own living and have greater control over their lives. Investments in women have broader societal effects because resources are often spent on family health and children's education. Investing in gender equality is not only a rights issue but also a way to increase the effectiveness of aid, she believes.  

Climate and sustainable development

The Christian Democrats raise the climate issue as part of a broader responsibility for future generations. In party policy It is emphasized that the world should be managed in a way that both respects the limits of nature and ensures human welfare. Climate change is also described as an issue of justice, where the world's poorest are hit hardest, which justifies the need for global efforts. Global warming should be kept below 1,5 degrees. On its website, the party highlights the export of Swedish energy technologies and increased electrification as solutions. Investments in nuclear power are an important part of the solution, as is using forests to replace products of fossil origin. 

In government, the party has also been involved in pursuing a criticized climate policy. The government's independent expert body, The Climate Policy Council, has repeatedly assessed that the government's overall policy is not sufficient to achieve Sweden's climate goals for 2030 and 2045. The criticism has included lowered reduction obligations and reduced requirements for emission reductions. In an analysis of data from the industry organization GReen Power Sweden, the climate auditors have also pointed out how Wind power expansion slowed down. 

I The Swedish Society for Nature Conservation's review of the environmental policies of the parliamentary parties The Christian Democrats and their partner parties end up in joint last place. “In almost all environmental policy areas in the review, the parties have acted in a direction that weakens environmental policy,” the organization writes. The government has acted in the right direction in 13 of the 22 issues reviewed.  

When it comes to climate aid, Brunegård emphasizes in The IM podcast a combination of broader efforts, such as reducing countries' fossil fuel dependence and contributing to the transformation of energy systems, and more local measures. For example, the dissemination of Swedish solutions in energy and waste management and economic instruments such as emissions trading are highlighted as important tools for reducing emissions globally. However, Brunegård gives few concrete examples of what the larger system changes mean in practice. 

Policy coherence 

In 2015, the world agreed on the Agenda 2030 action plan and 17 sustainable development goals to be achieved by 2030. One tool in this implementation has been the Policy for Global Development (PGU), a principle decided by the Riksdag that over time has gained the significance that all policy areas should work towards sustainable development and that conflicts of interest between different policy areas should be made visible and managed.  

Ahead of the 2022 election, the Christian Democrats, according to CONCORD Sweden, wanted to strengthen coordination for the implementation of PGU within the Government Offices and that the Riksdag would have a clearer task of reviewing implementation. During the term of office, the government has dismantled the PGU and has sharp criticism from the National Audit Office for their compliance with Agenda 2030. In a review, they point to several shortcomings regarding follow-up, governance and coordination.  “In summary, the National Audit Office can conclude that the government today uses a narrower definition of the concept than at any time since PGU was introduced, even though the intention was the opposite when PGU was included in Agenda 2030,” they write.   

The Christian Democrats went to the polls on generous aid. At the end of the mandate, it can be seen that the party's policy in government has changed in both content and priorities. 

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